By Alessandro Brogi
Using archival fabrics from all 3 countries, this primary comparative examine of French and Italian family members with the U.S. through the early chilly conflict exhibits that French and Italian pursuits of prestige, or status, crucially affected the formation of the Western Alliance. whereas recognition to outdoor appearances had an extended ancient culture for either ecu international locations, the idea was once compounded by way of their humiliation in global conflict II and their consequent worry of additional demotion. purely through selling an American hegemony over Europe may possibly France and Italy aspire respectively to realize continental management and equality with the opposite nice ecu powers. For its half, Washington rigorously calibrated concessions of mere prestige with the extra massive problems with foreign roles.
A contemporary pattern in either U.S. and eu historiography of the chilly warfare has emphasised the function that America's allies had in shaping the post-World struggle II overseas process. Combining diplomatic, strategic, monetary, and cultural insights, and reassessing the most occasions from post-war reconstruction to the center japanese crises of the overdue Nineteen Fifties, Brogi reaches significant conclusions: that the U.S. helped the 2 allies to get well adequate vanity to deal with their very own decline; and that either the French and the Italian leaders, with consistent strain from Washington, gradually tailored to a proposal of status not dependent exclusively on nationalism, but additionally on their capability to advertise, or maybe grasp, continental integration. With this concentrate on photograph, Brogi ultimately indicates a heritage to latest altering styles of diplomacy, as civilizational values turn into more and more very important on the rate of extra conventional indices of financial and armed forces power.
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Extra resources for A Question of Self-Esteem: The United States and the Cold War Choices in France and Italy, 1944-1958
B. ) La politica estera italiana, 1860–1985. ), Power in Europe? Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany in a Postwar World, 1945–1950. ), Power in Europe? Great Britain, France, Germany, and Italy and the Origins of the EEC, 1952–1957. New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1992; more balanced studies are: Leopoldo Nuti, Gli Stati Uniti e l’apertura a sinistra. Importanza e limiti della presenza americana in Italia. Rome: Editori Laterza, 1999, and Alessandro Brogi, L’Italia e l’egemonia americana nel Mediterraneo.
Finally, the public’s remoteness from the subtleties of foreign policy led to another paradox: during the postwar period such aloofness left almost complete discretion to Italian leaders and diplomats. These policy-makers, who had their political upbringing during the pre-Fascist and Fascist years, maintained a keen attachment to old-style balance of power policy and the issues of status that went along with it. AMERICA’S VIEW When Ambassador Caffery noted the Parisians’ eagerness to offset the humiliation of 1940, he reflected a prevailing view in Washington: the new dominating power took special notice of the defeated power’s inferiority complex more than of its potential recovery of status.
3rd. ed. Paris: Armand Colin, 1961. 16. For accounts reevaluating the diplomatic leadership of the French Fourth Republic see esp. Hitchcock, France Restored; Lynch, France and the International Economy; Frank, La hantise du déclin; Jasmine Aimaq, For Europe or Empire? French Colonial Ambitions and the European Army Plan. Lund: Lund University Press, 1996. Several authors have reevaluated the power of Italian initiative during certain phases of the Cold War: see Ennio Di Nolfo, “Italia e Stati Uniti: un’alleanza diseguale,” Storia delle relazioni internazionali, 1990, 1; Christopher Seton-Watson, “La politica estera della Repubblica italiana,” in Richard J.